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• 作者：糖妈_Candy 发布时间：2023-09-08 05:05:56

  很适合小学生阅读的科普图书

• 作者：关关 发布时间：2021-09-02 20:26:01

  全书由284个小问答组成，因此更适合当作词典备查；由于是写给税务机关人员看的，因此本书可以让读者顺带了解到税务机关在转让定价调查中的工作（如取证、发出文书、协商谈判）；最后一章对BVD数据库的使用的讲解暂时未在其他资料中看到过

• 作者：于北啊 发布时间：2016-11-09 11:39:34

  翻着看挺好玩，还有明清的版本插图，在现代的眼光看来也有些意思。

• 作者：后素 发布时间：2021-11-12 18:33:42

  泛泛又无趣

• 作者：山里有座庙 发布时间：2016-08-22 09:35:35

  真心一般

• 作者：武侠 发布时间：2019-05-04 01:52:22

  沙花

• 千年难遇的好书

  作者：木头 发布时间：2008-08-04 15:07:36

  这个假期，我只看了一本书，而且看了四遍，但我还是觉得看得太少。这原本不是一本写给公众的书，但也正因为如此，它才更真实，更有价值。

  没有花哨的修辞手段，没有夸张的比喻，没有讨巧的写作技巧，没有媚俗的语言，没有盈利的动机，没有道德的牵绊，这是一本纯而又纯的家书。

  当洛克菲勒嘲笑安德鲁卡耐基乐于在公众面前抛头露面的时候，大概不会想到，他所写的秘而不宣的家书已经成为百年后力图走上成功道路的图纸，而读者们对他这位曾经臭名昭著的大亨的敬仰要远远超过那位最伟大的铁匠。

  洛克菲勒白手起家，成为整个地球历史上最富有的人（折合成今天的美元，洛克菲勒的财富相当于比尔盖茨的6倍），绝对不是偶然。胜败皆有凭，这是我阅读过此书后第一个出现在大脑中的短语。

  没有人能想象这位极度吝啬的富翁在对待子女的教育时却如此慷慨。洛克菲勒不仅仅把自己成功的心得毫无保留地写给约翰，还介绍了他的竞争对手们失败的原因。当其中一些成功的对手发表富有启发性的言论时，他也不放过，一一为约翰解释。很难想象，没有洛克菲勒的启发和教育，小约翰能够撑起洛克菲勒集团的大厦。

  让我感触最多的是其中的第4封、第22封、第28封，第32封信。在保证其他信件阅读4遍的同时，这四封信我读了十几遍。每次读都有新的感受。虽然洛克菲勒已经去世多年，但他的话却就象是一位老朋友刚刚在我耳边响起。我全部的神经都被他那精辟的话语所震醒。

  洛克菲勒不仅仅在教导我们怎么赚钱，更重要的是，他告诉了我们应该怎样活。“你不是在规划成功，就是在规划失败”，事实上，我们中的大多数人，包括我自己在内，都在规划失败。感谢洛克菲勒帮我认识到这一点。

  从思想到行动远比其相反的过程更困难。有好主意的人不计其数，但能够将好主意成功地实践地寥寥无几。说的比做的多，这是成功者少而又少的一个很重要的原因。

  基本上，这本书象一面镜子，它照亮了我们身上潜在的优点，也找出了我们最不愿意面对的缺点。没有人是完美的，但我们都应该追求完美。

  感谢洛克菲勒，这样的书读上一本就够了。

• Book Review: E.P.Thompson, The Making of English Working Class(NYRB/HNET)

  作者：by 发布时间：2011-10-19 11:15:32

  此书蒙多年前湘姐推荐，稍有接触。但生性懒散，迟迟未毕。近日幸为作业所迫，得以阅毕。间有不解，复览而明。

  想我国朝新时代之工人阶级渐次形成，蚁族工蜂、白领蓝翔，不绝于耳；血泪呼号，不减英伦。二十年目睹之怪现状，不禁掩卷为之恻然耳。

  公元两千零一十一年十月夜，记于合众国圣路易。

  公元两千零一十二年秋改毕。

  E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class. New York: Pantheon Books, 1963. 848. Pp.

  “Nevertheless, when every caution has been made, the outstanding fact of the period between 1790 and 1830 is the formation of ‘the working class.’ This is revealed, first, in the growth of class-consciousness,” and “second, in the growth of corresponding forms of political and industrial organization” (p.194). E.P. Thompson’s book tells us about how the English working class coalesced in the period from the 1790s to the 1830s. Thompson provides us with abundant details about the varieties of lived experience of the English workers at that time to show how they could come to regard themselves as sharing a common “experience.” He sketches a scene of the struggles of these workers, revealing their screams, their cries, and their history, which was full of blood and tears. Based on the focus of “traditional” cultural issues and class-consciousness, the author makes a case for class as a historical relationship in a way that departs from “orthodox” Marxism.

  The book begins with “The Liberty Tree,” the culturally available resources left by British history. These include the tradition of Dissent, which included dominations such as the Independents, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Quakers, and Baptists (modified by Methodist revival), which could “combine political quietism with a kind of slumbering Radicalism” (p.30); the traditional notions of the “birth-right” of Englishmen; and the ambiguous tradition of the eighteenth-century “Mob” (pp.24-25). Riots, the mob, and popular notions of “free-born” rights are viewed as “sub-political” traditions (p.59). Thompson finds that the London crowd should not be simply identified as ruffians or a part of criminal element, but he also emphasizes that we can observe the crowd well from concrete issues. For example, the Gordon Riots of 1780 clearly showed the three phases that popular agitation would pass through (p.71). Beside the agitated institution, the obscure feeling of defending rights is also crucial. In this section, the influential views of Thomas Paine play a key role: “We can almost say that Paine established a new framework within which Radicalism was confined for nearly 100 years, as clear and as well defined as the constitutionalism which it replaced” (p.94). However, with the suppression of the revolutionary Jacobins, the disorganized and persecuted working people struggled to hold their organization, thus societies such as Sheffield, including their rights-claiming etc. are discussed in the book.

  Part Two, “The Curse of Adam,” examines some personal/private experiences (living standards: goods, homes, life, childhood) of different kinds and groups of workers. Their achievements and their painful lives reflect new kinds of working disciplines and working characteristics. Unlike the Dissenting sects, the Methodists “contribute” to the formation of the working class in a special way: In addition to the forms of popular meetings they provided, Methodist practices included the “collection of penny subscriptions and the ‘tickets,’ so frequently borrowed by radical and trade union organizations, but also an experience of efficient centralised organization” (pp.43-44).

  The third part, “The Working-class Presence,” covers the varieties of riots and movements, relating to the people who engaged in them: Chartists, Owenites, Radical Westminster Committee, Edward Despard, Informers (turncoats or mercenary volunteers, nit an organized group though), Croppers, Stockingers, etc. Thompson finds that the secret political tradition, suffering from its weakness in propaganda (secretive and small-scale) and suspicious environment, could not survive unless it joined with the secret industrial tradition (p.494). And of course the Luddite movement should be highly noticed as this kind of joint character, given its organization. The sources of Thompson’s narrate are appealing: it is based on an abundant source base of pamphlets, archives, public and governmental records, periodicals, etc., and a theoretical perspective expanding the classical Marxism theory. The interpretive framework of the book, with the depiction of details which were supported by the documents and resources, becomes very powerful.

  In what follows, I would like to analyze three aspects of Thompson’s book. First, from a theoretical perspective, Thompson’s revision of Marxist theory (or the context of Marxist doctrine), which innovates on the historical phenomenon and the outcome of experience away from an economic-determined explanation, should be deeply affirmed. It could be viewed as an alternative way of analyzing social transformation. Many scholars find that Thompson abandons the economic determinism of traditional Marxism, in favor of what could be called a kind of cultural Marxism. I would argue that even cultural and political determinisms are rejected by Thompson. The historically-conditioned relationships that inform experience and the formation of class consciousness are of crucial importance for Thompson. William H. Sewell, Jr. points out that Thompson adopts a much looser theoretical model of the relationship of economic conditions to social experience and consciousness. (“How Classes Are Made: Critical Reflections on E. P. Thompson’s Theory of Working-Class Formation,” in Harvey J. Kaye and Keith McClelland eds. E. P. Thompson: Critical Perspectives. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1990, pp.50-77.) Sewell, however, also finds that Thompson fails to face the productive relations in which the working class actually existed. In so doing, Thompson implicitly affirms what he wants to deny: the class, which is economically structured, is independent from the workers’ consciousness. As a way of moving past the problem of the class struggle and productive relations, I would like to argue that class could be regarded as a kind of personal identity, which is not fully generated by productive relations. The common experiences of workers, as Thompson argues, will lead them to “feel and articulate the identity of their interests as between themselves.” (p.9) While Raymond Williams defines culture as a whole way of life, Thompson views it as a struggle of different ways of living. It is in this meaning that the common experience and identity of workers are formed.

  Second, by highlighting this kind of identity and daily life, Thompson actually keeps on inaugurating a new kind of historical writing, which would later become known as the “New Cultural history.” (Lynn Hunt ed., The New Cultural History. University of California Press, 1989.) The influence of Thompson’s work on the development of the new cultural history is significant. On the one hand, in the wake of scholars such as Richard H. Tawney, “history from below” had become a pursuit for British historians. On the other hand, cultural history borrows from the older tradition of German historiography known as “Kulturgeschichte.” Jacob Burckhardt’s The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy shows various lives in the Italian cities during the Renaissance. Johan Huizinga’s The Waning of the Middle Ages had already shown the importance of cultural mentality in an age. The study of collective memory was on its way to prominence (and was largely developed by the French scholars). At this point, the work of Thompson leads and enhances the trend toward the study of daily lives, memory and popular culture.

  The studies about construction of custom, culture, mentality, crowd, and class were raised in the next several decades following the publication of Thompson’s work. Thompson’s work also has had a deep influence on German scholars’ interest in the cultural dimensions of the daily lives of historical subjects (e.g. class relations) by cultural perspective (e.g., H. Medick, A. Lüdtke, D. Sabean, G. Sider). The 1960s were a period dominated by structuralism, but Thompson tries to save the stockingers, croppers, weavers, and artisans from an unfair historical ideology by depicting specific activities of the workers who assembled to criticize the Bible in the factory, to discuss politics in the pub, to form their own organizations, etc. Sewell finds that Thompson actually uses synchronic depictions broadly but that he disguises them within an explicitly diachronic approach. It could be argued, however, that Thompson actually finds structure to exist in the historical progress. His insistence of explicating diachrony should be viewed as a rebellion against the form of structuralism popular at that time, rather than an approach that he really ignores or rejects.

  Third, the evidence Thompson supplies lends considerable support to his overall framework. Thompson reveals the relative poverty of workers during the “Industrial Revolution,” for instance, even the cotton-spinners in 1818 Manchester, who, after their payments were deducted, were only left with 18s. 4d. (pp.243-244). Beginning with the miserable story of Thomas Hardy, the author rescues the working class status from what he calls the “condescension of posterity” (p.12). As Chengdan Qian has noted, the discourses of Fabianism and liberalism influenced the pessimistic historical views towards the English working class in the industrial process. (“From Weber to Thompson,” History of the World 6, 1984) Liberal historians would even contend that the Tory government appealed to the illusory threat of “violent revolution” in order to justify to the suppression of the political reforms.

  In fact, Thompson compels us to notice two different kinds of the eighteenth-century riots in Britain: “spontaneous popular direct action” and “the deliberate use of the crowd as an instrument of pressure, by persons ‘above’ or apart from the crowd.” (pp.62-63). “Traditional” Marxists, for their part, tend to ignore the role of British traditions. Against whom is Thompson arguing? It is obviously that the New Left tries to reinterpret the experience of social development in England. The Whigs’ clichés that lower people and the riots are meaningless should be abandoned. The focus on the working-class movement supplied by Fabianist historians and liberal historians’ sympathy toward workers’ resistance (against economic exploitation and political oppression) are inherited by Thompson. At the same time, he quarrels with the trend of obscuring the agency of workers and their contributions: “There is the Fabian orthodoxy, in which the great majority of working people are seen as passive victims of laissez faire, with the exception of a handful of far-sighted organizers” (p.12). In addition, “there is the orthodoxy of the empirical economic historians, in which working people are seen as a labour force, as migrants, or as the data for statistical series” (p.12). Thompson also resists what he regards as the error of reading history “in the light of subsequent preoccupations”: “There is the ‘Pilgrim’s Progress’ orthodoxy, in which the period is ransacked for forerunners” (p.12). Or, from another perspective, when “the Industrial Revolution was encountering the problems of ‘take-off’,” “the generations of workers between 1790 and 1840 sacrificed some, or all, of their prospects of increased consumption to the future” (p.204). We cannot sacrifice the experience of the individual workers in the interest of “improvement” or “progress” based on economic developments at that time. Nor can we obscure differences out of regard for the welfare state or the happiness of “majorities.”

  In addition to the classified analysis, Thompson is also concerned with showing how the religious or spiritual concerns affected class consciousness and class formation. What role did Methodism play in the “making” of the working class? Thompson denies that at first “Methodism was no more than a nursing-ground for Radical and trade union organizers” (p.41). But at another level, “Methodism was indirectly responsible for a growth in the self-confidence and capacity for organization of working people,” as Sauthey indicated in 1820. Thompson goes on to argue that “throughout the early history of Methodism we can see a shaping democratic spirit which struggled against the doctrines and organizational forms which Wesley imposed” (p.42). Organizational function seems to be crucial in distinguishing Methodism from other religious sects, given “the temporary permeation of Methodism by some of the self-governing traditions of Dissent, and the transmission to working-class societies of forms of organization peculiar to the Methodist Connexion” (p.43). Even if the function of Methodism in shaping the working class is obvious, Thompson still does not attribute all the efficacies of class forming to Methodism. He cites Sauthey to reveal that the Methodists made of religion “a thing of sensation and passion, craving perceptually for sympathy and stimulants.” Of course, he argues that compared to other religious, Methodist theology “was better suited than any other to serve as the religion of a proletariat … to feel themselves to be ‘elected’” (p.362). From the case of Methodism, we can see Thompson in fact shows the procedures that “make” class by both organizational manipulation and spiritual foundation. These two parts show both economic and cultural influences; Thompson’s “making” theory is therefore not just a simple “determination” or “cultural Marxism.”

  Thompson’s narrative abounds with individuals full of emotion and unique experience, real men and women, and concrete daily lives. He punctuates his narrative with dramatic plots. Dissatisfied with the fact that “nearly all the classic accounts by contemporaries of conditions in the Industrial Revolution are based on the cotton industry,” (p.192) Thompson, with the ambition of “seeking to rescue the poor stockinger, the Luddite cropper, the ‘obsolete’ hand-loom weaver, the ‘Utopian’ artisan, and even the deluded follower of Joanna Southcott” from “the enormous condescension of posterity,” (p.12) seeks to discuss these kinds of workers one by one. Yet, only the weaver and the artisan are discussed specifically, thereby leaving the stockinger and the cropper in relative obscurity, even though he argues for their historical significance. The categories of workers surely influence the organization of their movements and their political tendencies. As Thompson observes, “Jacobinism…struck root most deeply among artisans. Luddism was the work of skilled men in small workshops. From 1817 onwards to Chartism, the outworkers in the north and the Midlands were as prominent in every radical agitation as the factory hands” (p.193). It is therefore crucial to distinguish between those categories. It is also curious that Thompson does not explore the division found in the master-servant relationship that he established before. Categories of servants included farm servants (hired by the year or the quarter), regular labour-force (more or less fully employed the year round), casual labour (paid by day-rate or piece-rate) and more or less skilled specialists (might contract to job) (p.215). Although this would make Thompson’s task much more difficult, describing these hinds of workers one-by-one would produce a more convincing result, whether from a statistics standpoint or from a more qualitative perspective.

  Thompson argues that “collective self-consciousness was indeed the great spiritual gain of the Industrial Revolution” (p. 830). Hence, the Chartists, never forgetting to get the vote, served as the key points of political power or social control. So I insist on the useful conception of “experience,” which indicates the way of understanding the rise of the working class’s self-consciousness. Collective experience is not the only factor in deciding the formation of class, but it is nevertheless a basic factor. Why did workers view themselves as a new class? The benefits, the ways of life, the degree of education, and broad connections (and if there were political organization things will be better) could propel a “class” from “experience” (social being) to “consciousness” (social consciousness). Thompson’s work indicates a “conscious” realm and an implied “agency” by emphasizing the feeling and identity of workers and their activities/practices. He mentions in many places to express his opinions of those kinds of feelings: “When we speak of ‘imagery’ we mean much more than figures of speech in which ulterior motives were ‘clothed.’ …The imagery is itself evidence of powerful subjective motivations, fully as ‘real’ as the objective, fully as effective, as we see repeatedly in the history of Puritanism, in their historical agency.”…“It’s the sign of how men felt and hoped, loved and hated, and of how they preserved certain values in the very texture of their language” (p.49). He uncovers workers’ voices by engaging the concrete experience of ordinary people. Radicals, journalists, workers, and Owenites all vividly wrote and read, from newspapers to pamphlets, to handbills. That is the reason why small groups or communities could finally become a real class. That is the difference between Thompson and Louis Althusser. Only based on the confidence of “agency,” we can find, as the workers themselves announced: “That the number of our Members be unlimited” (p.21).

  Boyi Chen(Department of History,Wash U)